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  1. With gender mainstreaming towards "equitable" pay?
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  4. Paradigmenwechsel in Der Familienpolitik
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However, this differentiation according to the criteria "man" or "woman" is insufficient. In order to be able to answer questions about the mechanisms of gender and their effects, other characteristics related to gender roles have to be taken into account already during data analysis. This differentiated way of collecting data is based on the awareness that the living conditions of individuals are determined by socio-cultural components, which in turn are linked to gender positions. Gender does not form homogeneous gender groups, therefore statements about "the men" and "the women" are too general and tend to blur the specific distinctions and hierarchies between the groups.

Further analytical steps examine the workings of mechanisms for establishing and maintaining gender-specific differences and hierarchies. For this purpose, the historical and cultural development of gender relations must be taken into account.

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With gender mainstreaming towards "equitable" pay?

The times when gender was used as an element of rule and oppression also in the legal codices and when women were not allowed to do what men did i. Direct discrimination was gradually eliminated from the legal codex. However, in social reality gender still is a mighty component of order, and even without any legal legitimation, the hierarchical order of gender continues to rule. Therefore, regulations must continue to be examined for indirect discrimination or privileges. First finding: Wage inequality between men and women is an international phenomenon.

Dritte Welt Haus Looking only at Europe, the gender specific pay gap, i. If gender were irrelevant for the income situation, men and women would have the same average income. However, this is by no means the case. Second finding : Wage inequalities are not the same throughout the sectors, but they are present in all sectors. In all countries, a difference between the public and the private sector is noticeable. According to this report, gender determines the income position in a variety of ways:.

Third finding : From a biographical perspective, women earn even less compared to men. For the first time in Germany, the lifetime incomes of a cohort of men and women were calculated. Fourth finding : The gender gap widens with age. Older women have even less income, and consequently lower pensions, than younger women.

Fifth finding : In Germany, the gender-specific wage inequality was reduced by only 2. In Austria, the gender pay gap seems even to have increased over the past few years. The report on the pay and income situation commissioned by the German Federal Government also deals with the causes of wage inequality. Germany is an interesting case because due to the unification between East and West Germany two different gender cultural contexts and their effects on the income situation of women and men can be observed. And these effects are substantial. In , women in West Germany earned on average As an analysis according to structural characteristics shows, in a gender culture where.

The causes of wage discrimination on account of gender lie in the interrelations of paid and unpaid work and gender. In public discussion on unemployment and the future of labour and the labour society, work in the home and the family is not an issue. For analyses in which globalisation, the orientation of markets towards the EU, structural transformations of the economies and rapid devalorisation of knowledge are named as the major factors that change the world, a concept of work that has long been criticised by feminist researchers is used as a basis.

Such analyses disregard gender relations, gender difference and hierarchies as well as unpaid work. Taking the work and living situations of women for what they are, we are not on the way towards a service society, as has often been postulated, instead society has long been a service society. But the services performed by women are unpaid and thus not only absent from a male perspective, but are also not included in the gross national product.

A male perspective is above all oriented towards wealth in terms of industrially produced goods. Social well-being, which depends on social services, is attributed only secondary importance or denied altogether. In principle in all European countries the work required by society is organised in two different forms: salaried work and unpaid labour. Expressed in work hours, there is more unpaid labour than salaried work performed. In the Federal Republic of Germany, the annual number of salaried work hours is 60, million, as opposed to 95, million hours of unpaid labour performed in private homes.

Unpaid labour is totally absent from all political economy surveys and calculations. In general, salaried work has a higher standing than unpaid labour. Qualifications, financial independence and social integration can only be achieved through salaried work, while unpaid labour achieves moral recognition, if anything at all.

Everything that is not provided for by the state has to be substituted by private work. The political conception of the welfare state sets the framework conditions which decide which tasks have to be covered in the private sphere: The range of public services in the field of assistance, education, training and care is of decisive importance for the scope of private work. More and better daycare places for children, more all-day schools and leisure time facilities for young people and more outpatient and inpatient care facilities for ill people and the needy will reduce the amount of work that has to be organised on a private basis.

The distinction between private and occupational work varies among the European countries. Regarding public child care facilities, Germany ranks near the bottom in Europe. The work that is necessary for society is not only divided into private and salaried work, but the two forms of work have a gender correspondence. In Germany women work approximately 35 hours without pay and 15 salaried hours, while men work approximately 20 hours without pay and 30 salaried hours. Women spend approximately two thirds of their working lives in private work, men only one third. Under present conditions, the so-called double life style job and family can be performed by women only by limiting the amount of salaried work, at reduced salaries and at the cost of the quality of their salaried work.

For men, a life style that includes a family has quite different consequences. As a rule they rely on their complete exemption from private work duties, especially from the care of children and relatives in need, tasks taken over by women i. Thus, the gendered society is regulated in such a way that women perform the most necessary work, that of daily and generative reproduction, unpaid and largely on a private basis, while men are exempt from this type of work in order to do the "other", salaried work. However, material security can only be achieved through salaried work, even though a claim to maintenance is provided by the institution of marriage and the state grants some means for existence through social assistance.

The existing tax and social insurance system promotes structural splitting and gender-specific attribution of work. In the German tax legislation, spouses have the choice between being taxed separately, or having tax levied twice on half of their joint income Ehegattensplitting. According to the second option, the married couple with one male breadwinner is set as the norm and the task of the husband is to provide financial support, while the task of the wife is to provide actual assistance, education and care to children and senior or ill family members.

The division into salaried and unpaid work is reflected in the bipartite state benefit system consisting of an insurance system for people in gainful employment and a welfare system for those who are not, or not sufficiently, provided for through marriage or salaried work.

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Theoretically, the institution of marriage creates maintenance claims also for those who are not included in the social insurance system on account of their own salaried work. In practice however, those claims have turned out to be more and more insufficient. Those who rely on them will fall into poverty, particularly in case of a divorce.


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It follows that salaried work is structured to correspond to male norm biographies in that full-time availability, mobility and adaptation to male culture are a prerequisite. Women are not excluded on account of their biologically conditioned sex, but in many cases their socially conditioned gender gets in the way. Depending on the scope of their tasks in the private sphere, women who accept these tasks will be more or less unable to meet the norms of the salaried economy with regard to time and availability.

However, there is another aspect to this exclusion: women who have worked in both spheres at the same time or successively will be familiar with both types of work.

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They have gained qualifications and developed normative orientations typical of the private work situation. This is an asset which men lack. As a rule men are unaware of the requirements of work that is organised on a private basis. Women who demand "equitable" pay for their work have a double view of work.

Rather than keeping the experience they have gained in private work to themselves, they want to commit men to private work and consequently change the conditions of salaried work in such a way that individuals who work in the private sphere become the norm. The demand for reconciliation of work and family life as a political aim presents a curtailed and individualised view of the problem of gender hierarchies in the field of work.

It is suggested that individual behaviour could change gender hierarchies under existing conditions. By means of support schemes for women, the framework conditions are improved in the sense that women can better cope with the work that is attributed to them which in many cases includes tending to the husband without having to face substantial financial losses. Whenever men are offered options to reconcile work and family life such as paternal leave, leave for the education of children, part-time work, childcare allowance , it turns out that the vast majority of men do not accept such offers.

And those few men who do take the options that are usually offered to women for reconciling family and work life experience the structural constraints and the effects of the current gender stereotypes: they have to put up with material losses and suffer from contempt in their role as men. The division of labour between partners, which is offered as a solution to the problem of reconciliation of work and family life, refers to sharing the unpaid work in the family.

It is left to the couples to organise this division of labour individually. However, these gender differences are limited and have narrowed in recent years. The relatively small gender differences in job values suggest that supply-side explanations for sex segregation — derived from neoclassical and socialisation theory — do not significantly contribute to explain sex segregation in the labour market.

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Gartner ; Liebeskind ; Solga u. Konietzka ; Trappe Bielby Hinz Reskin Snizek ; Tolbert u. Moen In ihrer Analyse der Determinanten von Arbeitswerten konstatieren Braun u. Obwohl sogenannte Rangordnungsverfahren in der Werteforschung eine prominente Rolle einnehmen, wurde dieses Verfahren in der Analyse von Arbeitswerten bislang kaum angewandt eine Ausnahme stellt Halaby dar.

Zumeist wird zwischen intrinsischen und extrinsischen Gratifikationen differenziert. England ; Waite u. Berryman Terwey Das Jahr war ebenfalls durch ein starkes Wirtschaftswachstum und eine abnehmende Arbeitslosenquote gekennzeichnet. Die empirische Auswertung gliedert sich in drei Abschnitte. In Anlehnung an Trappe werden solche Berufe als frauen- bzw.

Dieses Verfahren wurde zur Analyse von Wahlentscheidungen entwickelt Allison u.

Paradigmenwechsel in Der Familienpolitik

Christakis , jedoch findet es mittlerweile in anderen Bereichen wie der Werteforschung Klein u. Arzheimer als auch in der Analyse von Arbeitswerten Halaby Anwendung. Da Anwendungen dieses Modells in der Arbeitsmarktforschung bislang eher selten sind, wird es im Folgenden kurz vorgestellt. In einem ersten Analyseschritt wurden die verschiedenen Arbeitswerte schrittweise in das Modell aufgenommen ohne Ergebnisdarstellung. Gewichtete Prozentangaben. Zweitens ist zu beobachten, dass extrinsische Arbeitsaspekte im Zeitverlauf an Bedeutung verloren haben.

Borg Drittens zeigen sich die erwarteten Geschlechterunterschiede in der Bewertung der Arbeitsaspekte. Tolbert u. Ferner zeigt sich ein negativer Zusammenhang zwischen dem Lebensalter und der Wichtigkeit extrinsischer sowie intrinsischer Arbeitsaspekte. Loscocco ; Tolbert u. Moen ; Wright u. Hamilton Loscocco ; Lorence Einen starken Effekt auf die Wichtigkeit der betrachteten Arbeitsaspekte hat ferner das Bildungsniveau. Bemerkenswert ist insbesondere der nichtsignifikante Effekt von Elternschaft auf die extrinsischen Arbeitswerte.

Der Haupteffekt des Geschlechts bleibt hinsichtlich der extrinsischen und altruistischen Arbeitswerte weitgehend konstant und die Interaktionseffekte sind nicht signifikant. Wie ersichtlich ist, haben sich die Geschlechterunterschiede in den extrinsischen Arbeitswerten im Zeitverlauf verringert. Trappe Insgesamt legen die Befunde dieser Studie nahe, dass die Ursachen von Geschlechtersegregation eher auf der Nachfrageseite des Arbeitsmarktes verortet sind. Der Befund von Aisenbrey u. Due to occupational sex segregation, women more often hold jobs and occupations which yield low wages and offer only limited chances of promotion.

There is ample research on the consequences of occupational sex segregation; however, its causes have attracted only little attention. Possible explanations of segregation and the resultant earnings differences between men and women can be found both on the demand-side and the supply-side of the labour market.


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  • On the demand-side, employers' preferences and discrimination may lead to segregation by allocating women to lower paying jobs as compared to men with identical qualifications. In contrast, supply-side explanations, such as those derived from neoclassical economic theory and sex-role socialisation, refer occupational sex segregation to gender differences in work values and preferences. According to the neoclassical economic theory, women anticipate unstable careers and choose jobs with family-friendly features which in turn yield lower wages.

    The sex-role socialisation model argues that differences in work values reflect traditional patterns of gender socialisation. Therefore, the analysis of gender differences in job values is crucial in evaluating demand-side explanations of occupational sex segregation. Although the postulation of gender differences in job values is crucial to supply-side explanations of occupational sex segregation, this assumption has never been adequately tested for Germany. Using ALLBUS data from to , this study investigates the prevalence of, and changes in the job preferences of women and men.

    Wunnava Hg. Administrative Science Quarterly — Labour — Journal of Labor Economics — Mitteilungen aus der Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung — Becker, Gary S. Chicago: University Press. Cambridge, Mass. Journal of Labor Economics 17, Supplement: 33— Frankfurt a. Ergebnisse des IAB-Betriebspanels — Bergmann, Barbara R.